Self Harm And Suicide In Prison

Self Harm And Suicide In Prison Although specific explanations have been put forward by those attempting to explain self harm and suicide, they can each generally fit into one of two main larger theories. The first, that the individual characteristics of inmates themselves are explanatory variables and that their susceptibility to self-harm and suicide is essentially imported into prison. The second, that it is the environmental factors characteristic of prison which actually act as a causative link between prisoners and acts of self-harm or suicide. The ideas behind these explanations are informed by an even larger theoretical debate around how people adjust to prison generally; the two contrasting arguments are known as the importation and deprivation models. The first point to examine is the validity of argument that individual characteristics are indeed what primarily predisposes prisoners to self-harm and suicide. Such arguments stem from the importation model, which supports the notion that prisoners already possess certain characteristics making them more likely to self-harm before they are even in prison. According to Irwin and Cressey (1962, p.145) a clear understanding of inmate conduct cannot be obtained simply by viewing prison culture or inmate culture as an isolated system springing solely from the conditions of imprisonment. The factors researchers have tended to focus on include; gender, age, psychiatric, history, offence-type, legal status and sentence length. Zamble and Porporino have outlined adverse life events, negative interpersonal relationships, social and economic disadvantage, alcohol and drug addiction, contact with criminal justice agencies, poor educational and employment history, low self-esteem, poor problem-s olving ability, and low motivational drive (cited in Liebling,1995,p. 181) as the characteristics of prisoners which can be relied upon in identifying risk factors. In a recent study conducted by Humber et al (2011), prisoner characteristics of suicide victims were in England and Wales were examined. They suggested that amongst the prison population there are particular groups more likely to be suicidal. This included; female prisoners, those who have been identified as being at risk of self-harm/suicide, those with a psychiatric illness and those with a history of violence. As has been discussed above, a vast amount of international research on prison suicide and self-harm has sought to understand this behaviour through focussing in on the individual characteristics of inmates. Due to the fact causes of suicide have been so strongly aligned with personal attributes of prisoners, public policy has often been structured with an emphasis on the prediction, prevention, and treatment of suicidal prisoners (Hayes ,1999). However, in focussing solely on the prisoners alone ignores a significant component of prison and that is the harsh environment and constraints which it enforces upon inmates. If the notion of imported vulnerability is relied upon in explaining suicide, it is assumed that one already exhibits certain traits before they were put in prison, such an assumption raises several questions of doubt. Prison suicide rates are commonly compared with those of the general population and this has highlighted that prisons have a higher number of suicides re lative to their population than that of mass society. It must be asked then if people already have certain characteristics before they get to prison then what is that leads them to suicide in prison and not in the outside world. The importation model also fails to explain those who have previously never suffered mental illness or any characteristic associated to being susceptible to suicide, but yet once imprisoned begin self-harming or even commit suicide. Rather than thinking of suicide as an individual issue, perhaps it should be approached from an institutional perspective which looks to its own walls for answers and not just at those who inhibit it. Liebling (1995, 1999) has repeatedly emphasised that concentrating studies exclusively on the individual is conceptually limited and she has stressed the need to approach prison suicide from an institutional perspective. Such discourse aligns with the deprivation model of thinking, originating from the work of (Clemmer,1940), (Goffman,1961) and (Sykes,1958). The deprivation model purports that it is the pains of imprisonment or deprivations suffered in prison, that primarily influences ones response to imprisonment. Sykes (1958) described; deprivations of security, autonomy, sexual desire, liberty, and goods and services as being central to the construction of such an environment. He suggested that prisoners could display self-centred and egotistical alienative modes of behaviour that arose from being forced to conform to roles commensurate with prison regimes and having to fit in with prison social life( Sykes,1958 p.295). More recently, De Viggianni (2007) and Ireland (2000), have also looked into incarceration and consequential suicidal behaviour. They drew correlations between such behaviour and the socio-environmental factors specific to prisons such as, a lack of support the presence of gang culture, and the prison code and its enforcement. It would therefore appear that the deprivation model is proposing that the more severe the consequences of the institutional regime are, the greater the likelihood of suicide occurring in prison. Huey and Mcnulty (2005) drew the conclusion that it is overcrowding so commonly experienced by prisons which plays a pivotal role in deprivation and consequently on prison suicide. A prison which is overcrowded and under staffed is undeniably more likely to have a decrease in standards. Services such as medical care, and unfavourable dynamics like staff-offender ratio, limited activities, a lack of food and clothing, unwanted interactions, and fluctuating social structures within the prison can all stem from overcrowding and all contribute to an increased risk of self-harm and suicide (Anasseril,2006). Lieblings (1992) study, involving interviews with prisoners who had attempted suicide whilst inside indicated that a prisoners vulnerability to suicide is also extremely relative to the suppor t and contact received from family and friends on the outside. She found that a scarcity of visits, written communications, and contact with community release/probation programs can detach a prisoner from the outside world and thus induce self- harming acts. She has also associated the use of time and opportunities available to prisoners with the likelihood of suicide. Believing that the ways in which inmates serve their sentences, can dramatically affect their mental state, she highlights inactivity as a crucial aspect of this. In New Zealand, the prison population is approximately 8698 people, with the imprisonment rate having increased by 53% in the last decade. (Department of Corrections, 2012a). Within his work calling for prison reform, Director of Rethinking Crime and Punishment, Kim Workman has alluded to the importance of values in prison. He suggests New Zealand needs to create a humane, just and workable prison system that attempts to reduce the pain of imprisonment(2009, p.18) and if a move can be accomplished from managing risk to creating a system supporting inmates to achieve their best, then that will be a major achievement. Although of course all prisons vary and some more than others would display the institutional paradigms as discussed above. Evidence suggests that prisons generally are lacking, at least on some level in providing the services needed and to the extent needed to ensure the health and well being of prisons is addressed and thus suicidal behaviour is reduced. What deprivation based theories could be critiqued in ignoring though, is that the prison environment can in some instances have a positive influence on inmates and work in improving peoples lives, leading them away from self- harm and suicide. In New Zealand numerous programmes exist to enhance the rehabilitation of prisoners, including; motivational programmes; rehabilitation programmes; education and employment programmes; and reintegration programmes. A recent example of the success these programs occurred this month when a group of prisoners at Auckland Region Womens Corrections Facility were the first to graduate from the Sma ll Motors Engineering course(Department of Corrections,2012b). Additionally, just as the importation model can be critiqued for its failure to see the prison itself as a problem, the deprivation model could arguably be seen to not fully engage the personal traits of the individual inmate. It would appear that the deprivation and importation models are rarely considered in unison, however it is beginning to become acknowledged that an integrated model of prison suicide could be the most sufficient method of furthering research and consequently preventing self-harm and suicide (Dear, 2006; Liebling,2006; Towl, Snow and McHugh, 2001). Through considering both models simultaneously a more and realistic and practical grasp on the occurrence of suicide can be ascertained, as more often than not both the environment somebody is confronted with and their own personal traits act combine together in influencing their resulting behaviour and well-being. Preventing Suicide Throughout research attempts, no one trigger has been able to conclusively identify the reasoning behind why people commit suicide in prison. It can thus be assumed that no single solution will successfully achieve the goal of suicide prevention and a multi-disciplinary approach is required if an effective outcome is ever going to be reached. In conjunction with this there must be a commitment from the prison and department to actually adopt and apply prevention strategies, because no matter how complete a strategy may be, it is worthless without implementation. In looking to the research which has been done on suicide prevention, it has been found that when comprehensive prevention programs have been implemented considerable decreases in suicides and suicide attempts have been accomplished (Cox and Morschauser, 1997, Gallagher and Dobrin, 2005; White and Schimmel, 1995). It must be noted however that the specifics of these programs should be relevant to local resources and inmate needs, for example a prevention program designed in America for a maximum security prison would not have a positive preventive effect if enforced on a smaller medium security prison in New Zealand. Konrad et al, 2007 have comprised an outline of several key components they believe necessary to any prison suicide prevention strategy. The first aspect outlined is training, specifically of correctional officers whom are the ones with the inmates on a constant basis, mental health professionals will never be available at all times to all prisoners and thus officers mus t be trained to develop an intuitive sense about the mental state of the inmates under their care. Training must also be kept constant, they suggest at least once a year. Screening is the second preventative tool they refer to. Suggesting that screening should take place immediately as they inmate arrives and if possible screening should be carried out within the context of an intake medical and psychological assessment, conducted by relevant professionals. Where it is the responsibility of correctional staff they should have specific training. Communication is also a vital factor and records of such screening should be kept so as all staff can become aware of at risk prisoners and not just the one person who did the screening. If a prisoner identifies as high risk this should not be ignored and immediate professional help should be provided. They stress that screening should not just be a one off measure, but must take place regularly to be effective as suicide prevention involves on-going observation. If an inmate has been recognised as suicidal, Konrad et al emphasise that they should not be left alone and adequate monitoring is essential as suicide can happen within minutes. They further the importance of human contact by including social interaction as a key preventative aspect. Referring to the success of a social support system which has been provided through the use of specially trained inmate buddies or listeners. In terms of the more physical elements of the prison itself the authors outline that a suicide-safe environment is necessary. In building on these key components, it is also necessary to consider the prison atmosphere in general in relation to the pressures and harsh mentality it exerts. Prison has been described as an intrinsically non-therapeutic environment (Department of Corrections, 2008), yet we are frequently sending people there who exhibit severe mental illnesses and numerous other vulnerabilities. Of course some people are a danger to society and it cannot be expected that these people are simply excused from prison due to certain characteristics, however, the environment inmates are living in, could be changed. Instead of focussing on locking people up with no stimulis or contact with others, the focus should be on giving prisoners the chance to change and we cannot expect this from taking everything away from someone. Just by being in prison one has given up any liberties and power but by taking away even the smallest of luxuries like the ability to exercise or go outside or even have a pen and paper is not only depriving but also preventing growth within that person. Self-harm and suicide will inevitability continue to occur if people are completely deprived of any sort of life except simply existing within four walls. The system must gain the ability and willingness to identify the vulnerability of each prisoner, provide the necessary supervision and support, and create an atmosphere in prison where the opportunity exists to cope with and reduce emotional distress which commonly develops into self-harm or suicidal behaviour Conclusion This paper has considered the concerning issue of self-harm and suicide in prisons. Numerous existing explanations for this behaviour have been explored within the two main theoretical spheres of the importation and deprivation models. The latter part of this essay has focussed on possible preventative strategies aimed at counteracting the causative factors forming the varying explanations for self harm and suicide. In drawing all the components of this paper together, prison is a place which comprises of a number of more vulnerable population groups coupled with an environment which is more commonly designed to be harsh, punitive and for adult men who are sound in body and mind. This combination of factors ignores who is really in our prisons and fails to aid the aims of prisoner safety and rehabilitation. As a result of these imbalances, self-harm and suicide occurs and in order to combat this, an environment which offers more than the luxury of just existing must be sought.

Backlash Films

Over twenty years after its release, Fatal Attraction continues to inspire discussion and controversy. While the movie comfortably takes its place as one of the biggest blockbusters of the 1980s and one of the most unforgettable thrillers in cinematic history, there are many that contend it contains a slew of anti-feminist overtones. The female lead and her traits as an otherwise archetypal career woman combine with her psycho-sexual obsession with the male lead to create a character that some may see as tragic and insane, while others see as a direct attack on the feminist movement itself.With its portrayal of the stalking career woman that victimizes a hapless man and his innocent wife, Fatal Attraction contains many elements that reflect a â€Å"backlash† against the feminist movement, as well as dark male fears over the proliferation of career-minded women. Fatal Attraction, released in 1987, written by James Dearden and directed by Adrian Lyne, was conceived as a film abo ut the consequences of infidelity. The film’s main character, Dan Gallagher, played by Michael Douglas, is a New York lawyer with a seemingly happy family that includes a beautiful wife Beth, played by Anne Archer, and daughter.When Dan’s wife and daughter go away for the weekend, Dan meets the independent and sultry Alex Forrest, played by Glenn Close, at his law firm. The two soon engage in what Dan believes to be a casual and temporary affair. When Dan attempts to end the affair, Alex’s refusal to accept it turns dramatically negative. Alex begins to stalk Dan, showing up where he does, calling him until he refuses to take her calls. Eventually, realizing that Dan truly wants nothing to do with her, she tells him that she is pregnant with his baby.The growing obsessive madness of Alex peaks after she spies on Dan and his family from the bushes in his yard, and later breaks into the house when the family is out and boils the pet rabbit of Dan’s daughter . Because he can no longer hide his transgressions, Dan tells Beth about the affair, and she eventually forgives him. Alex crosses the final line with Dan and his family when she kidnaps his daughter only to return her unharmed later. It becomes apparent to all involved that something must be done, and for Alex, that means killing Dan’s wife so she can take her place.In a final climatic scene, Alex, Beth, and Dan physically fight as Alex attempts to kill Beth with a butcher knife. Dan is forced to drown Alex in the bathtub, but she only appears dead and attacks him again, when Beth, using a gun Dan purchased for protection, promptly guns her down. While many of the plot points in the movie can be seen as simple movie suspense, the deeper one digs the easier it is to find subtle allusions to the place of women in society. The role of the female characters in Fatal Attraction show diverging archetypes for the ideal woman, as viewed by traditionalists and progressive feminists.O n the one hand is Alex, the calculating career woman; on the other hand is Beth, the faithful wife and mother. The main female characters show the dichotomy between the traditional social roles of women and the ultramodern. According to Gerrig, â€Å"A social role is a socially defined pattern of behavior that is expected of a person when functioning in a given setting or group† (Gerrig and Zimbardo 574). The portrayal of each can be seen as a representation of a provincial masculine view of femininity, in essence a backlash against feminism. Feminism has long been a misunderstood concept, by women and men alike.Beginning in the late nineteenth century with the rise of â€Å"the New Woman,† the First International Women’s Conference in Paris in 1892 coined the word after the French term feministe, to represent a belief in and advocacy of equal rights for women based on the idea of the equality of the sexes (Haslanger and Tuana). At the time, it was a call for su ffrage and equal justice for women and represented the beginning of the â€Å"First Wave† of feminism, which in America culminated in the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment guaranteeing women the right to vote.By the time Fatal Attraction was released, feminism was in the midst of a strong new wave of feminism, which began in the late 1960s. In the â€Å"Second Wave† of feminism, feminists pushed far beyond the first wave by asking for more than just equal political rights but also greater universal equality in the workplace, education, at home, and with their own bodies (Haslanger and Tuana). The proliferation of birth control added to this wave and the growing independence of women reached a zenith in the 1980s, with women achieving equality in almost every sense of the word, with prominent women politicians, artists, and world figures.The character of Alex Forrest seemed to suggest a dark side to this rise of feminism, that the irrational female psyche will eventua lly overrule the mindset of even the most successful women, granted that they failed to have the things traditionally considered the most feminine: a family. The stability of the idealized traditional wife and mother, Beth, provides a stark contrast to the nightmarish descent into madness of the progressive single woman, Alex. While this could be nothing more than a dramatic coincidence, some see it as a deliberate expression of masculine fear of female empowerment.Fatal Attraction seems to suggest an almost misogynistic fear of the independent career woman that she seeks to destroy families and will stop at nothing to do so: â€Å"In its representation of a crazy career woman out to destroy the nuclear family, the film is a perfect example of the era’s conservative backlash against independent women† (Benshoff and Griffin 281). Alex participates in stalking, which is traditionally associated with men, and she possesses many of the same dominant tendencies of men.In he r book, High Contrast: Race and Gender in Contemporary Hollywood, Sharon Willis critiques Fatal Attraction, taking the position that films like it suggest that â€Å"feminine force seems to arise at the direct expense of masculine power and bodily integrity† and that femininity becomes inextricably linked to masculinity, a position widely shared by feminist film critics. Willis claims that films like Fatal Attraction focus â€Å"on an urgent effort to reinscribe the border of sexual difference at exactly the divide between domestic interior and public space† (Regester 52).Alex engages in behavior that, even in the 1980s, was deemed uniquely masculine. Women have long suffered the double standard of adhering to strict sexual mores, and her promiscuity exemplifies the lack of maternal qualities that most men look for in a mate. However, men like Dan use biological precedent to rationalize their constant desire to spread their seed. Dan is equally responsible for what occ urred, but it is almost as if he is forgiven for his gender’s predilection for sexual promiscuity, however erroneous.The most obvious feminist critique of Fatal Attraction is how it portrays Alex, the professional, single woman in her thirties as domineering, man-obsessed, and driven to insanity by her quest to achieve a long lasting relationship with Dan. The movie vilifies her and on the opposite end of the spectrum, sanctifies Beth, the devoted wife and mother. As with all the strong popular icons before her, Alex â€Å"becomes the screen upon which an audience of thousands projects their fears and fantasies† (Nguyen â€Å"The Legend of Billie Jean†).Through all of this, Dan is portrayed as almost more of a hapless victim that succumbs to the wiles of a siren than what he really is: a cheating spouse. The author of the story, James Dearden contends that he meant no deliberate anti-feminist overtones in his work, which began as a 1979 short film, â€Å"Divers ion. † According to Dearden, he merely borrowed from life to create a minimalist story about the perils of adultery: â€Å"My wife was out of town for the weekend, and I thought what would happen if a man who has just dropped his wife at the railroad station rings this girl who he’s met at a party and says, ‘Would you like to have dinner?’ But, then it all gets ugly† (Forsberg). According to the man who created the story, it was nothing more than a simple suspense story, and the criticisms that label it as anti-feminist and woman fearing are unfounded: â€Å"I don’t see that Alex symbolizes the New Woman and is therefore made to appear ghastly to sabotage the New Woman’s cause. She has a career because she lives in New York, where it’s difficult to survive without one. For me, it was a fable about the irrational creeping into the everyday† (Forsberg).He also examines the possibility of his own fears towards women and the p revalence of men that fear women in his script: â€Å"I don’t think I fear women, but there’s a certain archetype – the temptress who undoes heroes of Homeric legend who is as predatory sexually as the man – which men find hard to deal with because they’re used to being in the dominant role. Women certainly have an equal right to be dominant, but I don't like very dominant males or females period† (Forsberg).While it can be said that Fatal Attraction sought to express the male anxieties about the emerging female, as well as a rejection of feminism as a social force, to the movie aficionado it remains merely a suspense movie filled with gimmicks and plotlines as old as cinema itself. The immense success of Fatal Attraction may have entered it into the feminism conversation, but it realistically remains nothing more than a dramatic examination of adultery and obsession.The idea of the femme fatale is nothing new, and the movie simply showed th at, man or woman, there is no such thing as sex without consequences. Looking at Alex Forrest as a backlash against feminism is a fair criticism, however it is unfair to believe that a fictional suspense movie like Fatal Attraction could influence anybody that saw it free of any preexisting agendas. The movie may be simply a reflection of the ambitions that drive everyone mad, whether male or female, career or sexual, decent or indecent.Works Cited: Benshoff, Harry M. and Sean Griffin. America on Film: Representing Race, Class, Gender, and Sexuality at the Movies. London: Blackwell Publishers, 2003. Forsberg, Myra. â€Å"James Dearden: Life After ‘Fatal Attraction’. † The New York Times. 24 Jul 1988. 16 Dec 2008. . Gerrig, Richard J. and Zimbardo, Philip G. â€Å"Social Norms. † Psychology and Life. 17th ed. 2005.Haslanger, Sally & Tuana, Nancy. â€Å"Topics in Feminism. † Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. 15 Mar 2004. 16 Dec 2008. . Nguyen, Mimi . â€Å"The Legend of Billie Jean. † WorseThanQueer. com. 1 Aug 2005. 16 Dec 2008. . Regester, Charlene. â€Å"Review: High Contrast: Race and Gender in Contemporary Hollywood Film by Sharon Willis. † Film Quarterly, Vol. 52, No. 2. Winter 1998; pp. 51-52.

The Effects Of Inflation On Economic Growth - 1126 Words

Inflation is an important indicator of whether a country s economy is healthy. Therefore, many countries are trying to reduce the inflation rate of domestic. However, it not only brings drawbacks. Since 2014, the inflation rate of Britain is continuing to rise. (Ferreira,2017, no page given) Inflation is a fall in the purchasing power of money leads to people spend much money on buying cheap goods. The inflation rate is the change in average prices in an economy over a given period of time. (Anderton,2008, page.496) This essay will discuss that the impact of inflation on economic growth. It will be argued that the impact of United Kingdom exits the European Union on inflation and how it is changing. The main two types of inflation are†¦show more content†¦It also will be push demand-pull inflation to increase. Moreover, cost-push inflation means the supply side of the cost increase caused by the general price level continued to rise. From July 2016 to now, the United Kingdom inflation rate increased from 0.6% to 1.8%. (Ferreira,2017, no page given) It might be affected by the Brexit and the impact might be profound and interlocking. Two months after the Brexit referendum vote, the Office for National Statistics said â€Å"rising food prices and air fares pushed prices higher.† (BBC News,2016, no page given) If inflation is counting increase, employees may ask higher wages and thus it will temporary push cost-push inflation. Due to the Brexit, the devaluation of the pound in a short time. At the same time, increasing the cost and price of the manufacturer s imports, the result is people s purchasing power declined. Although, there are a large number of product reserves, people only buy daily necessary goods. In addition, Import and export push inflation because as the price of import ed goods rises and increased exports. The European Union is the UK s largest export destination and source of imports. (Digital,2016, no page given) In 2015, nearly forty percentages of British goods and services were exports to the European Union and imported more than a half from the European Union. (Digital,2016, no page given) British import and exportShow MoreRelatedEffects Of Economic Growth On Unemployment And Inflation1150 Words   |  5 PagesDiscuss the effects of economic growth on unemployment and inflation in Australia Economic growth is an increase in the volume of goods and services that an economy produces over a period of time and is measured by the annual rate of change in real Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Economic growth is classified as one of the most important indicators of an economy’s performance. Australia has maintained an average of 3.3% real GDP growth since 1992. 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Boudicca A Mothers Revenge or Celtic Societys Laws

Life for women among the ancient Celts about 2,000 years ago was surprisingly  desirable, especially considering the treatment of women in most ancient civilizations. Celtic women could enter a variety of professions, hold legal rights—especially in the area of marriage—and have rights of redress in case of sexual harassment and rape, the most famous of which was Boudicca.   Celtic Laws Defining Marriage According to historian Peter Berresford Ellis, the early Celts had a sophisticated, unified law system. Women could govern and take prominent roles in political, religious, and artistic life, and even act as judges and lawgivers. They could choose when and whom to marry. They could also divorce and they could claim damages if they were deserted, molested or maltreated. Today, two of the Celtic legal codes survive: The Irish Fà ©nechas (known as the Brehon Law), codified during the reign of the High King Laoghaire (428-36 A.D.), and the Welsh Cyfraith Hywel (the Law of Hywel Dda), codified in the tenth century by Hywel Dda. Marriage Among the Celts In the Brehon system, at the age of 14, Celtic women were free to marry in one of nine ways. As in other civilizations, marriage was an economic union. The first three types of Irish Celtic marriages required formal, prenuptial agreements. The others—even the ones that would be illegal today—marriage meant men assumed financial responsibilities for child-rearing. The Fà ©nechas system includes all nine; the Welsh Cyfraith Hywel system shares the first eight categories. In the primary form of marriage (là ¡namnas comthichuir), both partners enter the union with equal financial resources.In là ¡namnas mnà ¡ for ferthinchur, the woman contributes fewer finances.In là ¡namnas fir for bantichur, the man contributes fewer finances.Cohabitation with a woman at her house.Voluntary elopement without the consent of the womans family.Involuntary abduction without the familys consent.Secret rendezvous.Marriage by rape.Marriage of two insane people. Marriage did not require monogamy, and in Celtic law, there were three categories of wives paralleling the first three types of marriage, the main difference being the attendant financial obligations. Neither was there a dowry required for marriage, although there was a bride-price which the woman could keep in certain cases of divorce. Grounds for divorce that included the return of the bride price were if the husband: Left her for another woman.Failed to support her.Told lies, satirized her or seduced her into marriage by trickery or sorcery.Struck his wife causing a blemish.Told tales about their sex life.Qas impotent or sterile or obese enough to prevent sex.Left her bed to exclusively practice homosexuality. Laws Covering Rape and Sexual Harassment In Celtic law, cases of rape and sexual harassment involved punishments to help the rape victim financially while permitting her rapist to remain free. That might have provided less incentive for the man to lie, but failure to pay could lead to castration. The woman, too, had an incentive for honesty: she had to be certain of the identity of the man whom she was accusing of rape. If she made an allegation that later proved to be false, she would have no help raising the offspring of such union; nor could she charge a second man with the same crime. Celtic law didnt demand written contracts for liaisons. However, if a woman was kissed or interfered with bodily against her will, the offender had to make compensation. Verbal abuse also fetched fines valued at the persons honor price. Rape, as defined among the Celts, included forcible, violent rape (forcor) and the seduction of someone asleep, mentally deranged, or intoxicated (sleth). Both were regarded as equally serious. But if a woman arranged to go to bed with a man and then changed her mind, she could not charge him with rape. For the Celts, rape doesnt seem to have been so much shameful as a crime that must be avenged (dial), and often by the woman herself. According to  Plutarch, the famous Celtic (Galatian) queen  Chiomara, wife of  Ortagion  of the Tolistoboii, was captured by the Romans and raped by a Roman  centurion  in 189 BC. When the centurion learned of her status, he demanded (and received) ransom. When her people brought the gold to the centurion, Chiomara had her countrymen cut off his head. She is said to have quipped to her husband that there should be only one man alive who knew her carnally. Another story from Plutarch concerns that curious eighth form of Celtic marriage— that by rape. A priestess of Brigid named  Camma  was  the wife  of a chieftain named  Sinatos. Sinorix murdered  Sinatos, then forced the priestess to marry him.  Camma  put poison in the ceremonial cup from which they both drank. To allay his suspicions, she drank first and they both died. Boudicca and Celtic Laws on Rape Boudicca  (or Boadicea or Boudica, an early version of Victoria according to Jackson), one of  historys  most powerful women, suffered rape only vicariously—as a mother, but her revenge destroyed thousands. According to the Roman historian  Tacitus, Prasutagus, king of the Iceni, made an alliance with Rome so that he would be allowed to rule his territory as a client-king. When he died in 60 A.D., he willed his territory to the emperor and his own two daughters, hoping thereby, to placate Rome. Such a will was not in accordance with Celtic law; nor did it satisfy the new emperor, for centurions plundered Prasutagus house, whipped his widow, Boudicca, and raped their daughters. It was time for revenge. Boudicca, as ruler and war leader of the Iceni, led a retaliatory revolt against the Romans. Enlisting the support of the neighboring tribe of Trinovantes and possibly some others, she resoundingly defeated the Roman troops at Camulodonum and virtually annihilated his legion, the IX Hispana. She then headed towards London, where she and her forces slaughtered all the Romans and razed the town. Then the tide turned. Eventually, Boudicca was defeated, but not captured. She and her daughters are said to have taken poison to avoid capture and ritual execution at Rome. But she lives on in legend as Boadicea of the flaming mane who stands towering  over her enemies in a scythe-wheeled chariot. Updated by  K. Kris Hirst Sources Ellis PB. 1996.  Celtic Women: Women in Celtic Society and Literature. Eerdmans Publishing Co.The  Brehon Law AcademyBulst  CM. 1961.  The Revolt of Queen Boudicca in A.D. 60.  Historia: Zeitschrift fà ¼r Alte Geschichte  10(4):496-509.Conley CA. 1995.  No Pedestals: Women and Violence in Late Nineteenth-Century Ireland.  Journal of Social History  28(4):801-818.Jackson K. 1979.  Queen Boudicca?  Britannia  10:255-255.